Love and Marriage

In California, the State Supreme Court has just ruled that love is a human right, and that individuals therefore have a right to marry whomever they choose. But gay marriage is not what Ngugi wa Thiong'o and the late Ngugi wa Mirie had in mind when they wrote I Will Marry When I Want.

Love may not be a basic need, but it is certainly a human need. The human animal is capable of love, deep love -- but I am not so sure about the animal-animal. Thus, though we are thusly capable, we don't have to be dogs about it. We are not now even allowed to be dogs; worse still, roosters in full view or he-goats in the village barn.

Love and sex are not the same thing. Sex follows, presupposes, love. However, some cultures have for long operated on the premise that love can be nurtured via marriage, which must be arranged; nurtured by familiarity -- and by the sex which such marriage legitimizes. In many places, however, this cultural dimension has been rapidly eroded by the spread of such factors as general education and gender awareness.

Nevertheless, love continues to be, in many ways, culturally constructed. Society in general demands that its consummation -- particularly the comsummation of sexual love (for there is such a contrasting thing, dry as it may be, as platonic love)-- conform to certain prescriptions, expectations and understandings. There are even rites of passage and ceremonies that must be observed to give it the stamp of approval. Above all, at every encounter there must be consent -- of the "weaker sex." That is why there is something called wife (spousal?)rape, and something called date rape -- and why they are, to the poorly socialized, such problematics.

Love may be a human right, but it is a big stretch to argue that it thus endows us with an inalienable right to marry (and presumably have sex with) whomever we love and who loves us. We love our parents and siblings, but we have no right to marry them. It is in fact taboo in all cultures. In many cultures, marrying a "close" cousin is also taboo -- probably on genetic grounds, as some medico-historical evidence suggests, and on grounds of opportunity.

Love, marriage and sex are the building blocks of one of the core pillars of society -- the family (as an institution). Love and sex can produce children, and therefore give society a biological/genetic family unit larger than the dyad, only in heterosexual marriage or unions. To repeat, only heterosexual unions produce biological children. The technology of in vitro , fertilization, as liberating and comforting as it is, does not change this fundamental fact -- though cloning may, in the near future.

If this capacity for biological reproduction were to cease to-day (May 17, 2008) due to some unspeakable x-ray-based or related catasptophe, then the human species would be extinct by May 17, 2138! It is as simple as that. Has humanity always known of this danger. Yes, it seems to me -- at least "instinctively".

Gay marriage is thus the very antithesis of human survival. It is nevertheless harmless to that survival so long as it remains an aberration, a fringe practice in terms of the numbers involved.

Television Broadcasting in East Africa: Airtime Allocation to Local and Foreign Programmes, January-March 2002 (Selected Findings From Kenya)

By Prof. MauriYambo (Consultant to DTM) [Nairobi: February 12, 2003]

Introduction

To mark to-day's occasion -- a February 12, 2003 meeting of film stakeholders and the Minister for Information and Tourism -- and on behalf of Development Through Media, the author presents in this brief paper selected findings of a soon-to-be released final report of the first phase of a DTM[1] project titled Re‑shaping Television Broadcasting in East Africa. The first phase was a qualitative-cum-quantitative study[2] designed to establish the amount of airtime allocated to foreign and local programmes by East African television stations, and in the process to delineate the existing linkages between broadcasting policy and practice in East Africa. One television quarter in each station was covered, during the months of January to March in the year 2002. The study paid particular attention to matters pertaining to content -- that is to say, factors which influence the choice or production of television broadcasting material, and the reasons for the apparent across-the-board preference for foreign material.

Study Objective

The study had one specific objective, namely: to establish the amount of airtime currently being dedicated to foreign vis‑à‑vis local content in television broadcasting in East Africa within a three‑month television quarter.

Rationale for the Study

We know of no prior study with this specific objective that has ever been conducted in East Africa. In pursuing the objective, we were motivated by the knowledge that most of the programmes shown on local television channels were sourced from outside the region; and by the premise that intervention at the level of content was probably the most promising way to ensure the optimal utilization of the region's film and television practitioners' film-making skills, and consequently the sustained development of a locally-based audio-visual industry.

Inferring from often-stated stakeholder (including audience) perceptions, we hypothesized that although the East African region has in the recent past recorded a rapid increase in the number of operational television stations following the liberalisation of the airwaves, this increase has not benefited the local film industry. It was DTM's hope that, in achieving its phase one objective, the study would form the basis for a deeper understanding of the impact of television programming on the development of the region's local film and television production industry. Such understanding, in turn, would be a crucially important basis for lobbying and advocacy endeavours in favour of more local content in the broadcasting media.

LESSONS LEARNT FROM A REVIEW OF TELEVISION BROADCASTING PRACTICES AND OF THE ROLES PLAYED BY FILM COMMISSIONS/FESTIVALS IN SELECTED COUNTRIES OUTSIDE EAST AFRICA

As part of the activities carried out in this first phase of the project, we were able to survey the television broadcasting policies and practices of selected television channels, and/or the roles played by film commissions/festivals, in eight countries: Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Germany, USA (New York and California), Britain, Australia, France and Austria. In particular, we sought to find out how other countries have dealt with the issue of local vis‑à‑vis foreign content in television programming, and what we could learn from that.

Many lessons can be learnt from the experiences, as we were able to determine, of the countries surveyed. However, seven main lessons stand out:

First, that the Australia Film Commission's (AFC) endeavour to support and develop the country's Screen Culture and Screen Industry is certainly a lesson to draw inspiration from. AFC carries out its mandate in a comprehensive way, through measures which include: project development through script and other pre‑production assistance; post‑production grants and low‑budget production funding; grants in support of a vigorous and diverse screen culture; international promotion of Australian productions and marketing advice; creative interactive media development, production and exhibition; the development of indigenous film and television programme makers; monitoring film, television and multimedia industry performance; and information services.

Second, that although government regulation of the Nigerian broadcasting sector has been practised in a slightly ad hoc manner, it has nevertheless greatly assisted in the development of the local film industry. It may be argued, however, that the requirement for a specified level of local programme content -- though in principle an absolute necessity -- may turn out to be unfair to local channels compared to channels which beam signals directly from outside Nigeria, and those which transmit or re-transmit international signals[3]. The challenge is how not to throw out the baby with the bathwater.

Third, that the popularity in Nigeria of home movies on video (which has turned many of Nigeria's film producers into video makers) may, if replicated in East Africa, create a whole new paradigm for "moviemaking" in East Africa -- and indeed Africa. Incidentally, TV Africa has lately begun to provide a nearly continent-wide outlet for these video-movies. The video-movie sub-sector is likely to prove a major on-the-job (or Jua Kali) training ground for independent producers of the future, and a major challenge to big-screen producers.

Fourth, that as far as the legal framework for a film industry goes, Germany's state media laws provide an adaptable regulatory model for the licensing, supervision and development of private television broadcasting. In Germany, the responsibilities specified in the law are implemented by committees. These committees should be representative of relevant groups in society -- that is to say, the stakeholders; and should serve as watchdogs which ensure that obligations that attach to granted licenses are met.

Fifth, that the California Film Commission's (CFC) endeavours underscore the challenges attendant upon being "host" to Hollywood, easily the world's capital for movie and television production, or to its imitations. Among CFC's obvious attractions is that it is a full-fledged one‑stop shop for filmmakers. It maintains Cinema Scout, a fully interactive website with details of California's filming locations. CFC works with communities and all levels of government to remove barriers to filming within the state. It also provides a 24‑hour emergency production assistance hotline, and runs incentive programmes[4] to encourage filming in California[5].

Sixth, the New York Mayor's office (more specifically the MOFTB production unit[6]) provides a very promising model for a public (civic or governmental) office determined to build and sustain a mutually beneficial relationship with private or independent filmmakers. Such a synergy is viable only in an environment in which the role and enormous potential of the film industry in the wider economy is fully appreciated by public officials.

Seventh, the French approach to the development of the film industry, through the Film Fund, is another lesson learnt -- that is, another example worth emulating here. In France, a tax levied on each ticket sold in a movie theatre, and generated from a portion of the broadcaster's total income, is collected under the Film Fund and distributed in some agreed proportions to the purchasing, respectively, of French independent productions, French productions in general, and productions of European origin (see www.cnc.fr). Certainly this gives assurance of sustainability to producers with a measure of market share.

LESSONS LEARNT FROM A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE TELEVISION BROADCASTING INDUSTRY IN EAST AFRICA

Five main lessons can be learnt from the qualitative survey of the East African scene, and the survey of experiences outside East Africa. First, that the practice of in-house production of television programmes in state-owned stations appears to be a key factor stunting the development of the film industry in East Africa. Why do we make this claim? Our answer is that whereas state funding has not meant in-house production in such countries as Australia, France and Germany, it has become synonymous with in-house production on East Africa's state-owned television channels, in particular KBC. But whereas it can be said that independent film production is vibrant in Australia, France, Germany and USA, the same cannot be said of East Africa.

Second, that a significant amount of public and private resources already exist for laying the groundwork for a vibrant, independent film industry in East Africa. Why do we make this claim? Our answer is that state-owned television stations are regularly funded from the exchequer, and therefore have assured funds at their disposal to commission independent productions if they wanted to, but they prefer to produce a large percentage of their local content in‑house -- and this has prompted them to, probably wastefully, maintain a large in-house staff. Funds that would have been used to enhance independent local production, and thus to create competitive variety and depth, are used to maintain a large payroll as well as routine in a public-sector monopoly[7].

Third, that a sustainable film industry must be one that walks on two feet: big-screen production side by side with small-screen production, public-funding side by side with privately-sourced funding, established (big budget) film producers side by side with fledgling (or up-and-coming, or upstart) producers working at the margin on small-budget movies or video productions. This is what the Nigerian, Australian and French experiences (and other experiences) point to.

Fourth, that sustained and ethically (as well as politically) correct state support of the film industry is predicated upon there being good governance in a country, accountable and predictable management of state resources, and a medium- to long-term national vision for the industry. As the Nigerian experience seems to suggest, if this cannot always be assured, then independent film producers must learn to go it mostly on their own -- perhaps using revenue from low-risk, low-budget productions (video productions of shorts, including cartoons, and features) to fund big-budget ones (feature films), and linking up with private channels such as STV/TV Africa.

Fifth, that, following from the fourth lesson, prosperity for the African film industry (including the feature film sub-sector) will probably more assuredly come via quality video production. For every full-length feature film completed in any given period, there are likely to be dozens of video productions competing for the same small screen.

TELEVISION BROADCASTING IN EAST AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS

The discussion under this heading is the centrepiece of the entire study. In this brief paper, we comment only on Kenyan data, given the nature of today's audience -- and only a small portion of the data.

Percent Share of Total Broadcast Time Allocated to Local and Foreign Programmes by Respective TV Channels

Arranging the Kenya-based channels in ascending order, we find the following hierarchy in terms of the percentage of total airtime allocated to foreign programmes[8]:

TV Channel Percent of Total Broadcast Time Country

Allocated to Foreign Programmes

STV 100.0% Kenya

Family TV 94.4% Kenya

KTN 84.7% Kenya

Nation TV 84.0% Kenya

Metro TV 82.3% Kenya

KBC 64.4% Kenya

The flip-side of these figures is that STV did not give any amount of airtime to local content during the period covered in the study, while Family TV gave only 5.6% of its airtime. KTN gave 15.3%, Nation TV 16%, Metro TV 17.7% and KBC TV 35.6%. At this rate, clearly, the day when local content will account for at least half of TV programming on most channels, in terms of total broadcast minutes, seems to be far off -- based, for example, on a 50% benchmark as a starting point. A follow-up study, one year later, would help to show how far off still. DTM plans to undertake that study in 2003.

Percent Share of Prime Time Allocated to Local and Foreign Programmes by Respective TV Channels

Having looked at total airtime, our attention turned to allocations during prime time -- defined as the TV broadcast period running from 6.30 p.m. to 10.00 p.m. every evening. Our assumption at the start of data analysis had been that looking at the percentage of total airtime allocated to local and foreign programmes might yield a more favourable trend for local programming, while camouflaging the continued preference for foreign programmes during prime time. What we found is listed below:

TV Channel Percent of Prime Time Allocated

to Foreign Programmes

STV 100.0%

Metro TV 92.4%

Family TV 78.1%

KTN 63.6%

KBC 54.8%.

Nation TV 46.3%.

Consistent with the fact that STV devoted 100% of its airtime to foreign news, it also devoted 100% of its prime time minutes to foreign programmes. In fact, only Nation TV (53.7% local, 46.3% foreign) devoted half or more of its airtime to local programmes during prime time.

A comparison of total airtime allocations with prime-time allocations showed that, contrary to our expectations, there was only one case (Metro TV) in which the percent of airtime allocated to foreign programming increased (by 10.1 percentage points) during prime time. In all the other cases the time allocated to foreign programmes decreased, in some of the cases quite significantly. In the case of Nation TV, for example, it decreased by 37.7 percentage points -- easily the largest margin. On KTN TV, the decrease was 21.1 percentage points.

Percent Share of Airtime Minutes Allocated to Local Content by Programme-Category

We undertook a top-ten ranking of programmes per channel based on local content, with the programme-category with the highest local content being ranked first. We found that, during the period of study (January 2002 to March 2002), local content on Kenyan channels was highest in three programme-categories:

1. Talk shows, where it reached 100% of airtime on Nation TV, KBC TV and KTN TV.

2. Game shows, where it also reached 100% of airtime on each of the three channels.

3. Cookery, where it accounted for 100% of broadcast time on KBC TV and KTN TV.

In addition, only KBC TV offered 100% local content in children's programmes, while Metro TV was the only channel with 100% local content in "features" and music programmes, respectively.

As for programme-categories with local content accounting for at least 50% of broadcast time, Nation TV had one (besides the two categories already mentioned above) with local content of 50% or more, namely: Features (72.9%). KBC TV had two, besides the four already mentioned, with local content of 50% or more. These were: Music (86.8%) and Religious Programmes (69.3%). KTN TV had features (68.9% local content) as a third category. Family TV did not have any programme with 50% or more local content during the material period.

All in all, KBC TV had the greatest variety of programmes (6 categories) with local content at 50% or higher. Based on that criterion, KTN TV was in second position with four programme-categories, Nation TV was third with three, while Metro TV was fourth with two. In general, the five leading programme-categories in terms of local content were: talk shows, game shows, cookery, "religious" and music.

Percentage of Total Airtime Allocated to Different Programmes

More detail is provided here to enable different film producers to determine where opportunity, threat, may lie -- in terms of the programme-categories in which they have an interest.

Only STV devoted 50% or more of total broadcast time to any one programme-category. It devoted 60.6% of the time to news (Sky News, predominantly). Indeed, news was the preferred programme-category in Kenya, as indicated below:


TV Channel Percent of Broadcast Time Devoted to News

STV 60.6%

KTN TV 41.5%

KBC TV 29.3%

Nation TV 22.1%

Family TV 2.0%

Metro TV 0.0%

It is quite noteworthy that, despite being owned by probably the largest news media group in Kenya, Nation TV devoted only 22.1% of broadcast time to news (thereby ranking news second), compared to the 32.6% it devoted to movies and 20.0% to cartoons. Movies ranked first on Metro TV as well, with 26.1% of airtime, but eighth on KTN (2.6% of airtime).

Features ranked second on STV (with 11.9% of the channel's airtime) and on Family TV(23.7% of the channel's airtime). KBC TV (6.3% of airtime) and Metro TV (1.8% of airtime) had features ranked sixth and eighth, respectively. Features ranked seventh on Nation TV (1.9% of airtime), but did not rank at all on KTN (0.0% of airtime).

KBC TV devoted 8.5% of airtime to drama, while KTN devoted 7.5%, Nation TV 6.6% and Metro TV 1.8%. STV devoted 4.5% of airtime to it, while Family TV devoted 2.7%.

Children's programmes ranked among the top ten on Family TV (where they took fifth position). In fact, only Family TV (3.9% of its total airtime) and KBC TV (0.9% of its total airtime) had children's programmes at the time.

The highest ranking for cartoons was observed on Nation TV, where the category was in third position (with 20% of airtime). Cartoons took seventh position on Metro TV(4.5% of airtime); eighth on Family TV (1.5%); and ninth on KBC TV(5.3%) and KTN (1.8%). STV did not have cartoons.

Soap operas ranked second on Metro TV (21.2% of total airtime) and KBC TV (11.1%); third on KTN (8.9%), and sixth on Nation TV (5.0%) and STV (3.6%). Family TV did not show any.

The best ranking for music programmes was observed on KTN TV, where this category placed second with 23.4% of airtime. Music ranked fourth on Family TV (5.4% of airtime) and STV (6.1% of airtime), and fifth on Nation TV (5.2%) and Metro TV (9.0%). Music programmes did not feature prominently on KBC TV (4.4%), being ranked tenth there.

The best ranking for comedy was on KTN TV, where it was fifth with 3.7% of airtime. However, though comedy ranked eighth on KBC TV, it had a 6% share of total airtime on that channel -- which was bigger than observed on KTN TV. Comedy ranked eighth on Nation TV as well, with 1.6% of total airtime. But comedy was not among the top ten programmes on Family TV, which devoted to it only 0.3% of total airtime. Metro TV did not offer any comedy.

Some 13.5% of airtime was devoted to sports on Metro TV (ranking sports third there), while 10.6% of airtime was so devoted on KBC TV (also ranking sports third). STV (via TV Africa) devoted 9.4% of airtime to sports (also ranked third). On the other hand, KTN TV devoted only 1.2% of its airtime to sports (ranked tenth), which Nation TV gave only 0.7% of its time (not enough for the top ten there). Family TV allocated 1.2% of its airtime to sports (ranked ninth).

CONCLUSION

Experience from other countries suggest that it is indeed possible to develop a vibrant film industry in Kenya, or East Africa more generally. We in Kenya seem to be shy about pushing for greater local content -- as though this and quality are mutually contradictory by definition. They are not. What is amazing is how local content has single-mindedly been pushed -- now overtly and now covertly -- in several countries. Content is king. The potential of the film industry to boost the national economy, in terms both of forward and backward linkages, is simply too great to be ignored any longer by government. But it is an industry which will have to learn to walk on two legs.

REFERENCES

Australian Film Commission. 2002. "Services Offered by the AFC." www.afc.gov.au

Bankole Sodipo. 1998. "An Expert's View on Decree 31." The Nigeria Media Monitor of Monday 5th January 1998[This is a weekly publication of the Lagos-based Independent Journalism Centre] http://www.derechos.net/ijc/monitor/0301.html

California Technology Trade and Commerce Agency. 2002. "About California Film Commission: Incentives Offered by the California Film Commission." www.commerce.ca.gov

Commonwealth of Australia. 1999. "Australian Content in Advertising Standard, 1999."

www.aba.gov.au

Commonwealth od Australia. 999. "Broadcasting Services (Australian Content) Standard of 1999." www.aba.gov.au

Commonwealth of Australia. 2001. "Australian Content in Advertising, 2001: Compliance Report." www.aba.gov.au

Dalton, Kim. 2002. "Local Content Standard a Must for Local Production Industry." Paper Presented at a Seminar on Changing Standards for Australian Content on TV.

www.afc.gov.au/about/corpora/speeches/index.html

Geretschlaeger, Erich. 1998. Mass Media in Austria. Vienna: Federal Press Service. Vienna.

Honeyman, Russell (ed). 2001. African Film and TV. Harare: Z Promotions PVT Ltd.

Igbinedion, Joseph. 1985. "Audience Attitudes Towards Films on Nigerian Television" (pp.121- 137), in Nwuneli Onuora (ed.), Mass Communication in Nigeria: A Book of Readings. Lagos: 1st Dimension Publishers.

Meyn, Hermann. 1994. Mass media in the Federal Republic of Germany. Hamburg: Interpress Verlag GmbH.

National Broadcasting Commission (NBC). 2002 NBC News: Journal of the National Broadcasting Commission, Volume 4, No. 2, April-June 2002. www.nbc-nig.org

National Broaadcasting Commission, "Applying for a Television Licence".

www.nbc-nig.org/how-to-apply-4-licence.asp

National Centre for Cinema (CNC) - France. www.cnc.fr

Yambo, Mauri. 2003. Television Broadcasting in East Africa: Airtime Allocation to Local and Foreign Programmes, January-March 2002. Nairobi: Development Through Media (DTM).

[Paper Presented at a Meeting of Film Stakeholders and Kenya’s Minister For Information and Tourism, Nairobi, Kenya. For more information, contact: Development Through Media, 1st Floor, Four Ways Tower Moktar Daddah Street, P.O. Box 34696-00100 GPO, Nairobi, Kenya. Tel: +(254‑2) 28459/ 331414. Fax: +(254‑2) 228464. E‑mail: dtm@nbnet.co.ke .]

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[1]Development Through Media (DTM) is an audio‑visual media organisation based in Nairobi.

[2]The study itself is authored by Prof. Mauri Yambo, and titled Television
Broadcasting in East Africa: Airtime Allocation to Local and Foreign
Programmes, January-March 2002.

[3] see www.nbc-nig.org/how-to-apply-4-licence.asp

[4]Such as the Film California First Programme and the STAR (State Theatre Arts Resources) Partnership.

[5]See http://commerce.ca.gov/state/hca-navigation.jsp

[6]Note that New York boasts of a Police Movie and TV Unit which ensures security for both the crew and the general public during production.

[7] Indeed, independent local producers have had to pay exorbitant charges to have their work aired. These high fees presumably underwrite the cost of maintaining the stations' in-house staff and related operations -- even as the stations continue to buy foreign programmes.

[8]A foreign programme was defined as any programme produced by an individual or individuals, a production organization or television station based in any country other than the one under study.